The United Nations, NGOs and Global Governance

Table of Contents

• FOREWARD
• OVERVIEW OF THE CONFERENCE DEBATE
• INTRODUCTION
• THE INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT AGENDA
• THE DEVELOPMENT AGENDA AND COOPERATION, CONFERENCE FOLLOW-UP, AND UN-NGO COLLABORATION
• WHITHER THE UNITED NATIONS?
• NGOS AND GLOBAL GOVERNANCE
• THE GLOBAL GOVERNANCE AGENDA AND DEMOCRACY, EFFECTIVE ADVOCACY WORK, AND THE ECOSOC REVIEW ON NGO ARRANGEMENTS
• STRENGTHENING UN-NGO COOPERATION: VIEWS FROM THE UN SYSTEM
• THE UN, NGOS AND GLOBAL GOVERNANCE: CHALLENGES FOR THE 21ST CENTURY
• CLOSURE
• Annex I: PROGRAMME
• Annex II: LIST OF PARTICIPANTS
• Annex III: LIST OF ACRONYMS

STRENGTHENING UN-NGO COOPERATION: VIEWS FROM THE UN SYSTEM

Panel Presentations

Patrice Robineau (France) pointed to two major paradoxes at the global level. One concerns the spread of democracy and the simultaneous rise of extremist national and other movements. The other is the paradox between progress made in economic efficiency coupled with worsening social conditions. Since the end of the Cold War, political power has been weakened by the globalization process, while economic power has been concentrated in transnational corporations in the private sector and in finance ministries and central banks in the public sector. In the post-Cold War world, the UN faces two major challenges: in the political sphere, the resolution of conflict and in the economic sphere, to ensure what markets cannot ensure, that social issues and the environmental dimension are taken into account.

There is a need to integrate the various agendas. Two concepts that can do this are sustainable development and human security. An integrated agenda would incorporate human rights, democracy and governance, ecological sustainability, economic efficiency and social equity. While the achievement of human rights for all is an objective per se, the activities and policies of international institutions and corporations could be assessed against human rights criteria.

The Economic Commission for Europe (ECE) had 34 members before the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989; it now has 55. It is the only body covering the transition region as a whole and focusing upon economic reforms, ecological sustainability and integration into the "larger" Europe, in particular through transport and trade facilitation. The ECE has opposed the "shock therapy" approach to economic reform in transition countries, pointing out that price liberalization creates inflation and speculation if it is not related to the response capacity of the supply side. The ECE had been influential in establishing the need for a proper sequencing of economic reform measures.

The value of the UN's regional commissions is currently in question. Their role is to provide independent expertise on a region as a whole, facilitate cooperation between sub-regions and promote economic integration, both at the regional and global level. UN conferences, such as the ones on environment and development, population and development, and women, have benefitted greatly from preparatory processes at the regional level. In follow-up to the programmes of action of the UN world conferences, implementation at the regional level is a very important dimension which calls for contributions from, and cooperation between, the UN regional commissions and other regional bodies, including NGOs. With respect to NGO follow-up, they should, in their own terms, set up joint action plans. For example, on the basis of the Beijing Conference, the Federation of German Women's NGOs has set up an action plan for Germany.

NGO participation in UN conferences has profoundly influenced the thinking and style of the documents. They are far less bureaucratic and more concrete, consistent and detailed in substance. The preparatory processes have brought together different groups at the national level. There is a need for NGO mechanisms to link the national, regional and international levels of work. This requires increased NGO cooperation and coordination at the national level, and mechanisms at the international level for more effective and equitable NGO representation.

Ross Mountain (New Zealand) said the evolution of NGO work at the international level is valuable but has to be based on work at the national level. Discussion of the role of NGOs in emergency and other difficult situations is now dépassé, since to operate effectively, the UN must work closely with NGOs as advisers and implementers. In countries in crisis, where often no effective government exists, NGOs make invaluable contributions and play prominent roles providing relief services and developing innovative rehabilitation programmes. There are, for example, more than 650 NGOs in Haiti and over 2000 in Lebanon that have played important roles in helping citizens during national crises. A sometimes difficult process of readjustment is required when legitimate governments are reestablished, including weeding out "false" NGOs that have come into being for commercial or other reasons (for example, to benefit from duty-free importation privileges).

NGOs must remember that the UN is an intergovernmental organization with everything from outer space to the deep sea bed on its agenda, so choices need to be made as to the debates likely to be relevant to NGO objectives. International interaction is most valuable when it is reinforced by, or builds on, practical contributions by NGOs dealing with issues of substance in their home countries, rather than tracking convoluted UN processes. If NGOs simply follow the international agendas of UN fora, when will there be time to do the "real" work? This poses a dilemma: to achieve NGO goals, when is it better to go to New York and when to rural areas or to meet a national parliamentarian? NGOs are continually challenged with the interplay between the choices and the changes they promote and their financial resources. While finances are getting tight, NGOs possess a wealth of human and organizational resources, so lack of money is a poor excuse for not doing things at the national level.

NGLS was originally set up out of frustration with existing UN channels for working with NGOs, and to support NGOs working in OECD countries for policy changes on international issues. This inverted the orthodoxy that development rests upon the direct provision of aid and resources to Third World countries. Indeed, Third World resource persons were brought to the North to reinforce national debates and programmes. It was not an NGO's consultative status that mattered, but whether it had an effective capacity to work for policy change at the national level. The global economic relationships that gave rise to this approach 20 years ago have not changed for the better, and renewed attention needs to be paid to encouraging and supporting NGOs in the North to improve the framework for negotiations on international economic relations.

Then and now, NGLS facilitates NGO access to the UN on the basis of issues, not institutional questions. The emphasis must go beyond formulating generalized positions and ex post criticisms to organizing and creating alliances to achieve meaningful change. Individual NGOs have very different interests, aims, constituencies and effectiveness; their work must be coordinated with other NGOs who share the same objectives and goals. In this way, NGOs can work together to develop leverage for specific changes. Coalitions such as International Baby Food Action Network, Health Action International, and Pesticides Action Network provide good examples of influential action-oriented networks.

There has been considerable progress in opening up the UN to NGOs, since today most UN agencies are mandated, that is, instructed, to work with civil society. The follow-up to UN global conferences opens up a number of opportunities, but these will not necessarily be automatic since many governments are themselves not committed to follow-up. There are many entry points for increasing cooperation at the national level in developing countries. A number of UN agencies manage small grants programmes specifically for NGOs, but there are other more broad-based opportunities for substantive policy and programme development and implementation. Thus there are now many positive examples of civil society cooperation with UN agencies and governments, particularly in the area of poverty eradication. These can and should be expanded through the strengthening of direct contacts and collaboration with the country offices of the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and other UN agencies.

Delphine Borione (France) described the World Food Programme (WFP) as the largest source of development and emergency resources in the UN system, with a total annual budget of US$1.5 billion. She said WFP provides food aid to some 57 million people in 90 countries. A few years ago, two-thirds of WFP resources were invested in development work and one-third in emergencies. Today the proportions have been reversed. WFP works mainly with governments but increasingly with NGOs. Five years ago WFP worked with 300 NGOs; today it works with over 1000. WFP's main partners are large international NGOs with the capacity to distribute food aid such as Catholic Relief Services, CARE, World Vision and others. But WFP also works with many local NGOs. WFP appreciates the flexibility and expertise of NGOs and their capacity to reach target groups at the community level. Seeking greater efficiency in a context of growing financial constraints makes increased cooperation unavoidable.

WFP-NGO collaboration is based on complementarity and partnership. This kind of relationship requires mutual understanding and respect for each other's policies and procedures. For example, WFP is universal and acts without discrimination or prejudice. But some NGOs target their support on the basis of political criteria. Although some NGOs find WFP's reporting procedures burdensome, it is necessary to be thoroughly accountable for the use of public and donor resources. In recent years, WFP has entered into memoranda of understanding with NGOs which clearly define working arrangements. Following the Beijing conference, WFP is strongly committed to greater involvement of women in the management of its operations, and this is incorporated into memoranda of understanding with NGOs. In emergencies, it is essential that NGOs understand and respect the coordination mandate accorded to WFP. It has a broad mandate to strengthen national capacity. There is need for triangular relationships among governments, WFP and NGOs. NGOs and UN agencies are allies in the battle to deliver relief, promote development, advocate the eradication of hunger and poverty, and foster policy dialogue on these issues.

Santiago Romero-Perez (Colombia) described the Partnership in Action (PARinAC) process with NGOs. He said many people in UNHCR and NGOs initially looked upon this process with scepticism. In some ways, rightly so. After all, UNHCR was created in 1951 with a mandate, inter alia, to work with voluntary organizations: why was it then necessary, some asked, to recreate the wheel? The PARinAC process represented a development in UNHCR. UNHCR is currently taking a proactive approach: its "exile" oriented policies are being replaced by "homeland" oriented ones, and it is beginning to see its tasks in a holistic manner rather than in a refugee-specific one.

During the PARinAC consultation process, UNHCR met with some 500 NGOs around the world. The regional consultations lead to the Oslo Declaration and Plan of Action, which has five main areas: protection, internally-displaced persons, emergency preparedness and response, and the continuum from relief to rehabilitation to development, and partnership. UNHCR and NGOs have gone back to the field to search and agree upon implementation of the 134 recommendations emanating from the Oslo document. The topics included in the Oslo Declaration vary according to refugee caseload and host government policies towards them. In some countries UNHCR cannot work on the continuum, for example, since refugees are not allowed to remain permanently. In other countries such as Mozambique, the continuum is the major emphasis of UNHCR's work after the return of some 1.7 million refugees.

Evolving into a broadly-based humanitarian agency, UNHCR needs to strengthen partnerships with NGOs. It needs NGOs as allies in its pursuit of solutions. NGOs will not give UNHCR a free ticket; their degree of support to UNHCR will depend on NGO perceptions that UNHCR is carrying out its mandate to protect and assist refugees, returnees and where appropriate, internally-displaced persons.

NGOs and UN agencies can never be equal. They must, nevertheless, develop partnerships taking into account their various strengths. The challenge lies in making this partnership concrete.

Discussion

After the panel presentations the floor was opened for discussion. What follows is a summary of the observations, viewpoints and recommendations made in the discussion.

NGOs must remember that the UN is a "visitor" to a country; it cannot participate in a country's political life. At the same time, the UN is more and more concerned with promoting and facilitating dialogue and cooperation between civil society and governments. The UN system needs to develop more consistency and coherence in its approach to working with NGOs. Different parts of the system seem to have different policies. NGLS, the PARinAC process and the NGO Committee on UNICEF are important models of UN-NGO cooperation. However, some UN agencies seem to view NGOs simply as implementing agencies, like those governments that view NGOs as extension agents. Problems arise when NGOs want to go beyond that role to critically monitor the agency or government, or advocate alternative policies. While NGOs are not political, neither are they politically neutral, since they seek to influence legislative processes at the national and international levels. NGOs must work out their own equitable systems of representation at the international level involving local, national, regional and international NGOs. NGOs should give more priority to working in the North for policy change on global issues, and particularly to raising public awareness and working with parliamentarians and legislators.